Athens , 8 December 2009

Mr. Athanassopoulos: As it seems, Ankara will not implement the Additional Protocol by the time of the Council. How do you define the “objective evaluation” that you keep mentioning? Does it provide for sanctions to be imposed in future, in order for progress to be made on the Cyprus issue? Don’t you think that as long as Turkey is not punished in some way, its behaviour will not change?

Mr. Droutsas: We want Turkey to join the European Union. This is to our benefit. But the precondition is Turkey’s full compliance with the criteria of the European Union. In order to do that, Turkey will truly have to change. Our stance at the Council will be based on our national interest. Turkey will be evaluated rigorously and objectively on the actions it has taken or not taken, without exemptions or concessions. Aiming not at its punishment, but its compliance. The current government – as I will keep repeating tirelessly – is standing by Cyprus, by the people of Cyprus, not just in word, but also in deed. We have proven that from the start. We cooperate very closely on a daily basis and we are going to the Council tomorrow in fully coordination, with a common line. Greece and Cyprus speak with one voice.

Mr. Athanassopoulos: An effort is being made to shape an “informal” timeframe on the Cyprus issue until the so-called presidential elections in the occupied section of Cyprus in April. Nicosia and Athens have stated that they do not accept timeframes. Is there a plan B if no solution is found by then, given that Turkey has been "threatening" to seek the recognition of the pseudo-state?

Mr. Droutsas: There is one plan for the resolution of the Cyprus issue, the negotiations between President Dimitris Christofias and Mr. Talat under the auspices of the UN. Athens and Nicosia have been fighting for the reunification of the island as soon as possible, but we are not going to accept any imposed timeframes. Everyone should support the process and let Cypriots negotiate and decide for themselves regarding their common future; their future as an EU member state. There is no other plan; and there never was.

Mr. Athanassopoulos: In his letter to Mr. Papandreou, Mr. Erdogan included a request for talks on all matters regarding the Aegean. Do you insist on the existence of a dispute, i.e., on the continental shelf, that could be referred to the ICJ? Isn’t its delimitation linked with other matters such as the length of our territorial waters, which Ankara considers a casus belli, or the theory of “grey zones”?

Mr. Droutsas: First of all, let’s put the issue on the right basis. Mr. Erdogan essentially responded to the initiative of Prime Minister George Papandreou, i.e. his visit to Istanbul in order to take part in the SEECP meeting. Greece no longer awaits passively. It takes initiatives, it shows the way, it is the one setting the framework and determining the rules. There is no discussion on all matters, as you say. The solution on the issue of the delimitation of the continental shelf is ahead of us and this solution is the international law of the sea, ratified by 160 states and now part of the European acquis. Sooner or later, Turkey will have to realise that this is the only way towards its European goal. The Greek position on this issue is well known. And one more thing. There cannot be war threats. Not today. And all the more so not within the European Union, which Turkey wishes to join.

Mr. Athanassopoulos: Where does your “open mind” on the Skopje issue end? Are you willing to discuss issues of “Macedonian language and identity”? By “erga omnes” do you also mean a change in FYROM’s constitutional name?

Mr. Droutsas: An open mind means dialogue, understanding, cooperation. It means exercising an active diplomacy and taking initiatives. And once again: it is about you showing the way. It also means a constructive stance, if you will. But it doesn’t mean reneging on the national red line about an erga omnes name with a geographical qualifier. It does not mean negotiations outside the agreed-upon framework of the United Nations. And of course it does not mean a start for accession negotiations without the prior resolution of the name issue. And an open mind does not mean a discussion on already firm, historically vindicated Greek positions.

Mr. Athanassopoulos: When you proposed the 2014 Agenda on the Western Balkans, was there a previous understanding with the European partners who are not so keen on a new enlargement?

Mr. Droutsas: Greece presented its initiative on the accession of the Western Balkans to the European Union, being fully aware of the conditions and feeling fully confident. The 2014 Agenda was aimed at addressing and reversing any disputing trend that might be felt in the public opinion of the EU member states. It is a political proposal based on the fact that the European Union is the most successful peace project to this day. And you should know that following my recent tour of the Balkans, our proposal was welcomed very warmly by the region’s countries, and that other member states have already expressed their will not only to support our initiative, but also to actively take part in it. You will see specific actions very soon.

Mr. Athanassopoulos: Does the enlargement to the Western Balkans also include Kosovo? Would you recognise it?

Mr. Droutsas: PASOK's position on the non-recognition was crystal-clear from the outset and this clear position is today the Greek government's position. Full respect for international law is a principle that forms the cornerstone of our foreign policy. On the Kosovo issue, we heard the voice of the U.S. and Russia very loudly. The European Union’s voice was not heard loud enough. If Europe had acted in a timely and determined manner, we would not be facing the current situation. But the 2014 Agenda is precisely aimed at creating the dynamics that will resolve all the pending issues in the region; the issues that affect regional security and stability. We hope it can contribute to that.

Mr. Athanassopoulos: Many point out that based on some of the government’s choices, you have shifted towards the Anglo-Saxon axis within the EU. So much so that Germany and France are very strict vis-a-vis Greece. How do you intend to turn this climate around?

Mr. Droutsas: To be honest, I don’t understand what the choices you are referring to are and how you have reached such a conclusion. Our relations with France, for instance, are at their best point and are confirmed every day. The same goes for our relations with the new German government. I can assure you personally that they are excellent. Greece’s government means to discuss things on equal terms with all its partners and allies, without complexes or fear syndromes; with dignity and pride. We leave behind us dogmas and dogmatisms. We leave those to others. We serve principles and values. And this gives us the strength to look at the Greek people and all our international collocutors in the eye. The only guide, the only compass for our foreign policy is our national interest. And no stereotypes will keep us from serving our national interest.