Athens
, 17 December 2009
Esteemed Members of the Hellenic Society of International Law & International Relations,
Revered Professors,
My Dear Stelios,
Ladies and Gentlemen Ambassadors,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Dear Friends,
There is no doubt that the current international state of affairs is characterized by a number of radical changes, reversals, threats and opportunities for the international community of over 200 states and 6 billion people.
From climate change, protection of the environment and energy sufficiency to international protection of the rights of the individual, combating poverty, the serious humanitarian problem of illegal migration and the underdevelopment and particular needs of the developing world.
From confronting the threat of international terrorism and organized crime, the consolidation of international peace and security and the peaceful resolution of international disputes to controlling the proliferation of nuclear weapons, deepening institutions for international cooperation and organization and the socially just handling of the international economic crisis.
All of these challenges require us to come together; they require solidarity and political will from the members of the international community, states, international organizations and Civil Society.
Vital issues, including the confronting of armed conflicts – civil and international – assisting in humanitarian crises, prevention and – under certain conditions – checking of international crimes, such as the serious and blatant violations of international humanitarian law of human rights and instances of genocide; all these need to be addressed in a coordinated, direct and drastic manner by the international community. Not selectively or in a fragmentary manner, but fairly, effectively and always in accordance with the directives of international law and the principles and values of the United Nations.
This is why we have to provide collective solutions and to participate in the shaping of policies; to think and act globally rather than locally.
And it is precisely in this direction that we are planning and implementing – in steady, careful steps, but boldly as well – a new foreign policy oriented towards tomorrow and open to global challenges and prospects.
A new foreign policy that is active, open and responsible, free of the phobias of the past. A policy that will make Greece a protagonist once again, rather than a mere spectator of international and regional developments. This is our goal. This is precisely what we are pursuing.
For reasons that have to do with geography – its geopolitical and geostrategic position – Greece is at the center of international developments. And in this context, Greece is obliged to develop a multifaceted foreign policy aimed at facing today’s horizontal threats and challenges, the serious international and regional issues brewing in the wider region, as well as problems that have their source in the failure to respect good neighbourly relations.
Greece is a country that believes in and is dedicated to the institutions of international law and order. Our foreign policy – and we need to stress this in every direction – is based on the full respect of international law, the peaceful resolution of international disputes, the promotion of multilateral diplomacy, the strengthening of and participation in institutionalized international cooperation via international organizations and agencies.
We want to have knowledge of and a say regarding major international problems. A constructive stance, initiatives and our own proposals. We want solutions of – if you’ll allow me to use this term – smart diplomacy.
The Greece of phobias, complexes and introversion – Greece without a voice – belongs to the past and must belong to the past. We are creating a new Greece that participates with vision, a voice and a role in international developments.
Allow me to say a few words about our participation – Greece’s participation – in international institutions. And the title of today’s Conference is very apt: International Institutions in Motion. And this really is the case, because we are entering a period of realignment and it is in our hands to set our course.
I will start with the European Union, given that for Greece the European dimension is now an intrinsic element of every policy we exercise. We are at the core of the Union, and at the same time we are on its external borders. We are the country being looked to by a whole region – a sensitive region, Southeast Europe – for its European perspective.
And from the very first moment we took on the responsibility of governing the country, we replied to this silent anticipation from our neighbours. And Greece – I dare say – is once again taking on its leading role and becoming the motor force behind the enlargement policy for the whole region.
And allow my here to refer in particular to the proposal Greece has put forward to its partners in the EU, as well as to all of our neighbouring states in the Western Balkans: Agenda 2014. A proposal of great symbolism for re-imparting momentum – fresh momentum – to the European accession courses of our neighbours in the Balkans.
In 2003, under a Greek EU Presidency, we also passed a similar initiative: the Thessaloniki Agenda. I think that in recent years the momentum created by the Thessaloniki Agenda has been lost, and with Agenda 2014 we are endeavouring to create fresh political momentum for the accession courses of all of the countries in the Balkan region.
And that is the reason behind our proposal for Agenda 2014 – a symbolic date, 100 years after the outbreak of World War I. And in simple terms one might argue that 1914 was, and remains, at the root of most of the conflicts and problems we are still facing in the Balkans. That is why we are saying – 100 years on – that the European Union not only has the potential to, but also must step up to its responsibility to contribute effectively to peace and stability in the Balkans as well; the Balkans that are an intrinsic part of Europe – our European family.
Through this European perspective and course, we believe that many pending issues in our region can be resolved – Kosovo, as Mr. Perrakis said. We believe that Europe, the European Union, was absent, unfortunately, when the time came. I believe that the European Union could have contributed much more effectively to averting the creation of this hotspot.
There is also the issue of the name of the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia, which directly concerns Greece. And in this case as well, we believe that this European perspective can provide the right incentive – I avoid using the negative word pressure, here; I prefer to call it the necessary incentive – for Skopje and the political leadership in Skopje to finally come to the negotiating table in a constructive spirit so that we can find a mutually acceptable solution. To the negotiating table – I stress this – under the auspices of the United Nations, and to the effort to find a solution in line with our national red line; Greece’s well-known position.
The European Union is also at the heart of our thinking with regard to our policy on Turkey. We believe that through its European course, a country such as Turkey will proceed with the necessary reforms, and hopefully be transformed to a true democracy in order to become a neighbour that fully respects international law, good neighbourly relations, its neighbours’ sovereign rights, the religious freedoms of its people and the rights of its minorities.
It is a policy initiated 10 years ago with the well-known decisions of the Helsinki European Council. I cannot hide the fact that over the past few years this policy has unfortunately not brought the results that it should. This is, however, also due to the fact that this policy was not handled or used correctly.
This is precisely our objective: to be able to capitalize on Turkey's European course to the benefit of our interests as well. The first steps have been made but a lot of work still needs to be done, because the environment surrounding this issue has definitely changed considerably.
And there is one last issue that I wanted to mention in relation to the European Union, because we believe that our policy should make optimum use of our EU membership and also of the fact that this Union also gives our own diplomacy many capabilities.
I am of course referring to Cyprus and the Cyprus issue. And here we are saying that the solution we seek should of course fully respect the resolutions of the United Nations, the values and treaties of the European Union and, not least, the European acquis.
The Republic of Cyprus is a member of the European Union. It must operate effectively within the European Union. Even after any agreed-upon solution, the Republic of Cyprus will be a member state of the European Union. So even then, it should be able to function effectively within the framework of the European Union.
The proper, effective function of every member state is of course in the immediate interest of the European Union and also in the interest of Cyprus, the Greek Cypriots and the Turkish Cypriots, this is why we say that full respect for the European acquis is very important and necessary.
This is why we are talking about a European solution on the Cyprus issue, just as we are talking about a Cypriot solution, and what we mean is that Greek Cypriots and Turkish Cypriots should be able to negotiate freely, discuss their future, their common future as member of the European Union; to be able to discuss their common future freely, without external pressures, without threats, without artificial time-frames, without the threat that this is the last chance to resolve the Cyprus issue.
And we’ve stressed repeatedly that such threats, such artificial time-frames are unacceptable and definitely do not contribute to the current efforts on the initiative of the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Mr. Dimitris Christofias, which of course are fully supported by Greece.
At the same time, with regard to the European Union, the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty gives the Union the opportunity to take up its rightful position on the world scene and our common purpose is to gradually set up a truly common foreign policy for the European Union based on democratic foundations.
A policy that will promote the Union as a force of peace and development; and indeed now is the time to make crucial decisions. And the institutional balances to be shaped will affect Europe’s future and its position in the world.
And here, Greece should send its own message with ideas, proposals, policies and using, of course, the necessary human resources. Greece should, wants to and, of course, can do that.
NATO is also undergoing a similar phase of reviewing its role. We have a new Secretary General, a strong personality I would say, who has expressed his will to break new ground for the Alliance. Furthermore, the new strategic concept of the North-Atlantic Alliance is also under construction and I am very pleased that the small group that has been shaping the initial framework for the discussion on this new strategic concept is participated in by the Secretary General of the Greek Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ambassador Mr. Zepos. Greece has a voice, it has a view and will do everything in its power to make sure that our foreign policy’s principles and values are clearly reflected in the Alliance’s new concept.
Unfortunately, Greece is somewhat lost in the United Nations – and I don’t hesitate to say that. Following our term as a non-permanent member of the Security Council, we seemed to be secluded and this has to change and will change in the coming period.
Because we prioritise the United Nations, as the guardian of international legality and the informal Parliament of Nations. We prioritise confidence because strengthening the UN’s role is also tantamount to increased protection of human dignity in every corner of the earth. And it is precisely this message – Greece’s full support for the UN – that we conveyed to the UN Secretary General, Mr. Ban Ki-moon, during his recent visit to our country.
In every well-governed state, the protection and promotion of human rights and fundamental freedoms should be taken for granted. It is the state’s primary and vital responsibility to ensure and guarantee the freedom, security, and dignity for its citizens.
This is the reason behind Greece’s bid for the Human Rights Council, one of the younger bodies of the United Nations, for the 2012-2015 period, explained by our wish to play an active role in the protection of human rights.
This Council plays a vital role in improving the situation worldwide and is not merely restricted in singling out the culprits. It must also help combat deficiencies and contribute to the implementation of international standards. It should play a leading role and not become a field of conflict.
The UN’s role, therefore, touches upon every aspect of human activity, but in order to succeed it requires all the member states’ contribution.
Dear friends,
The Copenhagen Climate Conference has brought humanity before its obligations and on the occasion of the conference’s ongoing proceedings these days, I would like to present some more detailed thoughts on this issue.
We are at the most crucial turning point for our environmental, social and economic future and all of us, politicians, scientists, diplomats, activists and citizens share the responsibility to safeguard our planet and its habitability in order to leave the world a better place than the one we inherited.
Copenhagen will be the acid test on whether we can achieve an ambitious and comprehensive agreement, aimed at tackling climate change, in which everyone will participate on an equal basis, hopefully with a sense of responsibility.
Greece wants to become the broader region's voice on this matter. The reason is that, according to recent studies, the Balkans and the Mediterranean belong to the regions which will be most affected by the consequences of climate change.
Our country can and must take on increased responsibilities in this joint effort and it will assume these responsibilities through specific initiatives with regard to our broader neighbourhood, particularly in the wider Mediterranean region.
The Foreign Ministry is now mainstreaming green or environmental development in its structures, and will include it as a horizontal policy in its every activity or initiative.
Hellenic Aid, a strong development tool, has now made climate change one of its priorities, albeit without ignoring the adverse economic juncture.
Although Greece’s contribution in global greenhouse gas emissions is small, we consider, however, that it is our obligation to offer – as much as possible – the necessary technical and economic aid in order to tackle climate change. This is besides a substantial prerequisite in order to achieve a global agreement on this issue.
Climate change and the economic crisis accentuate migratory pressures. Not so long ago, the 4th World Forum on Migration was held here in Athens and it was particularly successful, I think. We are certain that its conclusions will make a significant contribution towards addressing this phenomenon in a more effective and genuinely humane manner.
Of course, we also have a heightened responsibility for tackling illegal migration. Greece is a country of entry, transit for migrants and a host country, and it is therefore in our immediate interest to play a leading role in international efforts to combat the deeper causes on this phenomenon.
But repression alone cannot be the answer of course and I will not hesitate to say that it is shameful that in the 21st century there are modern slave-traders and traffickers of human souls.
According to estimates, about 192 million people have been forced to leave their countries they were born in, and almost 1 million have been arrested since 2000 in an effort to pass from Turkey to Greece, in their struggle for a better life; many of them losing their lives whilst trying.
We owe it to them, we owe it to the people who have lost their lives to change things and combat the traffickers; to work so as to discourage illegal migration, offering development and vision to countries whose people are displaced.
Dear friends,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
the title of this conference is “international institutions in movement” and I cannot of course but agree with the fact that the wheels of the modern system can be moved and we are the ones who can move them, with determination and ambitious goals. We can bring a change and claim a better, more peaceful future.
Allow me to mention here that the proof of that is this year’s Greek OSCE Chairmanship ending in a few days. I believe that our country served this Organization’s Chairmanship with a heightened sense of responsibility and sensitivity, having as a basis the belief that security and stability are not, and cannot be, a zero-sum game.
In the post-cold war era with multifaceted and interconnected challenges to security, the necessary attention should be paid to the needs of security of these states, despite the conflicting and often mutually exclusive views on what is just and what is right.
Since the beginning of the year, when Greece took over the OSCE Chairmanship, Greece's goal was to build a consensus and achieve collective and comprehensive solutions on frozen conflicts that have deep roots.
Our conviction is that by strengthening the security in one country, we will undoubtedly strengthen the security for everyone. Our efforts are based on mutual trust and the realisation that security is indivisible and comprehensive.
The most important achievement of the Greek OSCE Chairmanship is the start of the so-called "Corfu Process", an open dialogue in depth about the future of security in Europe.
The “Corfu Process” marked the start of a pan-European effort to review and redefine the broader system of European security and in early-December, a few days ago, the Corfu Process was officially sealed at the OSCE Ministerial Meeting in Athens, laying the solid foundations for a substantial and targeted continuation of the dialogue on the new European security architecture, with a view to reach tangible and functional results soon.
I believe we created something new and hopeful and it is a great success on the part of Greece and Greek diplomacy, which has been acknowledged and greatly praised, I must say, by all the OSCE member states.
We now pass the torch to the next OSCE Chairmanship, that of Kazakhstan. It is the first country of the former Soviet Union to take on this responsibility and this is very symbolic for all of us, I think.
Greece will stand by the next Chairmanship as a member of the so-called Troika, but also as a country that has proven, acting as an honest broker with sincere intentions, using intelligent and swift diplomacy, that it can change things.
We are not going to allow or let this know-how that was acquired over the past year – the contacts made and foundations laid in countries in the Caucasus and Central Asia – to be lost. Greece, in other words, broadens its horizons again.
In closing, I would like to stress that Greece is present and it should increase its presence in other organizations such as the BSEC, to be presided by Greece in 2010, or the OECD, where we are called upon to shape a clear and flexible framework of cooperation clearly marked by the Greek contribution in issues of economy, energy, environment, sustainable development and security.
It is this government’s priority to serve the principles of multilateral diplomacy. It is our priority to put our country back on the international map of diplomatic processes, to regain Greece’s voice but not use it needlessly, because we have important things to say.
Greek foreign policy has a special, firm faith in ecumenical principles and values. We want to show the way to the institutions in movement, we want to speak, because we want to be useful and that is what we will do.
Once again, thank you very much for inviting me to speak at this event. It is a great pleasure and, believe me, a particularly great honour for me and I would like to wish you good luck with the proceedings of this conference.
Thank you very much.