Athens , 22 January 2009

Ladies and Gentlemen MPs,

It is a pleasure and an honour for me to address today’s special joint session of the two Parliamentary Standing Committees that monitor foreign policy issues.

I hope that today’s meeting will be followed by many more in future. I look forward to cooperating closely with you; to hearing your ideas, your input and discussing with you the opportunities that are opening up and the challenges that Greek foreign policy is facing.

I think that the topic of our discussion today comes at an excellent time, as Greece is once again taking up a leading role in the region by promoting the “2014 Agenda”. For my part, I would like to present to you the government’s planning and our policy’s basic axes in more detail and then listen carefully to your ideas about the way in which we will be able to flesh out this policy; the way in which we will be able to strengthen our country’s presence in Southeast Europe.

Ladies and Gentlemen MPs,

There is a basic, strategic choice with which I think we all agree. Greece stands to gain from the European integration of the Balkan countries. Greece wants to see the Balkans within Europe.

We live in an unstable region; a region which – not long ago – was the theatre of war, political instability and human suffering. It is in our interest to change the face of this region. It is our duty to give our neighbourhood a perspective. It is vital to our own progress to create an environment of stability, security, development and peace in our broader region. And we can do it, if only we dare to have vision.

Our neighbourhood has started to recover from the traumatic experience of the abrupt collapse of the former Yugoslavia and the ensuing problems. But there are still many pending issues.

Our efforts, our own commitment have already resulted in two achievements: Bulgaria’s and Romania’s accession to the European Union is an important development that changed the framework of our bilateral relations and created new opportunities for cooperation and development. Even at this unfortunate time, with the problems we are facing due to the farmers’ blockade, the latter comes to remind us of the point to which our countries have become interdependent. To an extent, the granting of candidate country status to Croatia and FYROM and the promotion of the European perspective of the other Balkan countries is equally important.

Here, I could not ignore the impact on the region’s peoples of the recent liberalisation of the visa regime for the citizens of three of our neighbouring countries. Apart from this development’s economic importance - as Thessaloniki is the region's reference point – the visa liberalisation brings Europe closer to the younger population of the Balkans; makes them more demanding; Opens their eyes and gives them opportunities; gives them the means to achieve progress and reform in their homeland; question political leaderships obsessed with the past. And, most importantly, it gives them a vision; the vision of a European future.  

However, there are still important challenges to political stability, good neighbourly relations, economic development, building solid democratic institutions, the rule of law, environmental protection, and addressing all the issues – such as organised crime, illegal migration, drug trafficking, etc. – that affect all aspects of life.

The government’s Balkan policy is moving along four basic axes:

The first axis is the promotion of the Western Balkans’ European perspective, ultimately aiming at the integration of the entire Balkan peninsula into the European Union. I will come back to this point later.

Our policy’s second axis consists in the intensification and deepening of economic and development cooperation in our region, with an emphasis on the sectors of infrastructure, transport, environmental protection, within the framework of green development and energy, including alternative sources of energy.

Our country is mobilised on all fronts. Indeed, we are one of the most important economic powers in the region. The presence and economic activities of Greek enterprises bring development to the region and create prosperity for our country. Even today, amidst the crisis, Greece’s presence should not be reduced. On the contrary, Greece should look for opportunities.

The Hellenic Plan for the Economic Reconstruction of the Balkans (HiPERB) is the main vehicle for our development policy in the Balkans. But we also have significant funds at our disposal to co-fund development programmes outside the HiPERB framework and we are, of course, playing a leading role within the Regional Cooperation Council (RCC).

Despite the current difficulties and the fact that the Balkans are no longer considered a priority region for development assistance by the OECD, our government is looking into ways to preserve its role in the field of regional cooperation, with a view to the development of the Balkans, by examining the opportunities for cooperation with other partners, such as Austria and Hungary.

The third axis of our Balkan policy is maintaining and strengthening our country’s role and presence in the region. Unlike certain others, we do not have hegemonist tendencies. Our country, as the oldest member of EU and NATO in the region, and as the most developed country – both financially and politically – is able to play a leading role to the benefit of our country and our national policy goals.

The fourth axis is our intention to give substance to the intra-Balkan political cooperation, i.e., the South East European Cooperation Process (SEECP), in order to turn this forum into a substantial regional political and security organization for cooperation that will help the countries of the Balkans work together to address regional issues and challenges effectively.

Particularly with regard to the resolution of conflicts, our objective is to promote a collective framework of principles for peaceful resolution based on international law. 

Ultimately, we want the Balkan states to assume the responsibility for our region’s future. Our peoples – the peoples of the Balkans – know better than anyone else the specificities and needs of the region in which we live.

Here, I would like to come back to the first axis; i.e., the European perspective of the Balkan countries.

Our broader region’s accession to the European Union is a strategic goal for Greece. In line with the spirit and principles of the Thessaloniki Strategy, the Greek Prime Minister announced – just a few days after taking up office in October – a new Greek initiative, the “2014 Agenda” to the Foreign Ministers of the SEECP. Our objective is to reinvigorate the accession perspective of the Western Balkans by making their integration into the European Union by 2014 a symbolic target.

We are not changing the rules mid-game. And we have not suddenly become overly optimistic about our neighbours’ reform potential. We are realists and we know the difficulties very well. But we are not merely going to sit and watch Brussels shifting attention elsewhere and going back on their commitment to our neighbourhood; A commitment undertaken by the EU thanks to our efforts in 2003 in Thessaloniki. We want Europe to renew its commitment. We want the peoples of the region to believe again that they are part of the European family. Shortly, we want every European to think ‘2014’ when the word ‘Balkans’ comes up. And we can do this.

Last night, in my meeting with the Austrian Foreign Minister, we agreed upon a joint initiative for the Western Balkans. We signed a joint letter presenting – starting from 2010 – our expectations regarding the relations between the region’s countries and the European Union. Our aim is to raise the awareness of the remaining Foreign Ministers about the crucial nature of renewing Europe's commitment to our region.        

So, the enlargement is one of the most effective tools at the disposal of the European Union for the consolidation of peace, stability and prosperity in Europe. Confirming the European perspective of the Western Balkans, as noted in the General Affairs Council conclusions in December, is a priority to Greece. The existing conditionality framework that ensures the smooth progress of individual countries towards their accession objective provides the incentive for the intensification of their efforts and the resolution of any pending matters on the basis of good neighbourly relations – a prerequisite of the existing Stabilisation and Association Process.

For our part, we insist on good neighbourly relations, not simply because they are the necessary prerequisite for the participation in the EU, but because in essence they reflect the letter and spirit of the vision of integration.

Looking at each country separately, I will start with Albania and Montenegro. These two countries have submitted an application for membership and now await the Commission’s opinion. Greece's stance is positive given that these two countries are called upon to further promote and implement the necessary reforms that will allow them to take further steps towards the European Union. We encourage them to continue their efforts to comply with all the criteria and prerequisites set by the EU. Here, let’s not forget the particular interest in Albania’s compliance with European standards in the field of human rights protection, and particularly Greek minority rights. We will be at their side, on their every step in this transformation process.

With regard to Montenegro, we have yet to ratify the Stabilisation and Association Agreement between the EU and Montenegro. At this point, I would like to call upon the Hellenic Parliament to proceed as soon as possible with this ratification.

Coming to Bosnia-Herzegovina, there is still a lack of solidarity and agreement regarding this objective. The stance on the part of certain political leaders in Bosnia-Herzegovina shows that they have not realised that the European dream can become a reality. In this manner they deprive their people of their European future. To our regret, we see a lack of progress and we think that the inertia that has been obstructing the country’s reform process must be overcome. Within this framework, the message of the country’s European perspective has to remain strong, taking into account that the majority of the people support the European vision. It is in the EU’s every interest to support the building of an efficient state – through domestic processes – by encouraging the country’s leaders to make the necessary decisions to this end.

Serbia plays a special role in the Western Balkans and the European Union should take this into account as part of its political enlargement. Greece played a leading role in the adoption of the recent decision by the Council to unfreeze the Interim Trade Agreement. We are looking forward to a similar decision that will allow the ratification of the Stabilization and Association Agreement. Furthermore, we think that Serbia's recent application for membership should be examined – as in the case of other Western Balkan countries – in a fair and substantial manner.

As long as the Kosovo issue remains pending, it is a given that there will be tension. The Greek initiative for the “2014 Agenda” could work as a catalyst that will give fresh momentum to the dialogue for a diplomatic solution. It could act as a channel to promote Europe’s role. With regard to Kosovo’s status, Greece’s position is well known and firm. We support the ongoing dialogue between the EU and Kosovo, within the framework of the existing mechanism, aimed at further promoting the necessary reforms and economic and social development, ensuring at the same time the protection of all the communities that live in Kosovo. Greece contributes to maintaining the necessary balance as part of shaping the relevant decisions in the Council, always bearing in mind safeguarding the region’s stability. 

And finally I come to Skopje. Our country supported the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia through difficult times in its history. We actively supported its European perspective. But there must not be any misinterpretations. The condition for further progress is crystal clear. In order for the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia to start accession negotiations with the EU, there must be a mutually acceptable solution on the name issue. a solution in line with our national red line. An erga omnes name with a geographical qualifier. The longer FYROM’s leadership persists in its intransigent and irredentist stance in negotiations under the auspices of the UN, the more it will distance its people from their European future. Greece’s message is positive. What remains to be seen is how Mr. Gruevski will choose to interpret it.

Ladies and Gentlemen MPs,

I strongly believe that Greece, Greek foreign policy, only stands to gain from our consensus and our understanding. The issue we are discussing today is an issue on which we all agree. I am very interested in hearing your own ideas on how to strengthen our country’s presence in the Balkans; on how to develop our relations with our neighbours, on a bilateral and regional level, in the best possible manner. I am looking forward to hearing MPs’ own proposals on how we can take action on a community level. It is our duty to work together on our foreign policy, particularly at the current crucial juncture. I call upon all of you to work together with us.

Thank you.