Athens, 24 November 2009
Madam Chair,
Ladies and Gentlemen MPs,
I would like to express my warm congratulations to Maria Damanaki on her being chosen as Greece’s Commissioner in the new European Commission.
This is the first meeting of the Standing Committee on Defense and Foreign Affairs that I have attended in the capacity of Alternate Foreign Minister. I do so with great respect for the institution of the Hellenic Parliament and with a full sense of the responsibility that has been given to me. I thank you for your presence.
I look forward to close cooperation with all the members of the Committee. I look forward to open and sincere dialogue, and to a substantial exchange of views – the sole point of reference being how to best serve the national interest.
I want to discuss with you not only the major issues of our foreign policy, but also the method of our cooperation, so that this cooperation can be more effective and productive. I do not want us to stop at a sterile presentation of positions and counter-positions in a political game. I want us to seek – together – better ideas; to conceive, together, better strategies; to implement, together, better policies that will make our Greece stronger and more secure. My office is always open to all of you for briefings on any issue.
I am not here to read a speech. I want to brief you on foreign policy issues. I want to set out the basic mindset of the policy that we will exercise. I want to stimulate our debate and hear your ideas, your recommendations as to how we can achieve the optimum result. After all, in Greece we now have this luxury: most of us agree on the major issues in our foreign policy. We agree on where and how we want to see our homeland.
I will try to meet frequently with the Committee. We can have in-depth thematic debates and planning, without the political games that come with publicity. At the same time, we can strengthen the monitoring, transparency and accountability procedures regarding the proceedings of the government, adopting measures that truly strengthen our democracy, such as the creation of a parliamentary section for monitoring the Foreign Ministry website. I ask for your recommendations so that we can make many changes in the way foreign policy is planned and exercised.
For my part, I assure you that I want us to create the conditions and infrastructure for the exercising of an aggressive – in the positive sense of the word – open and active foreign policy characterized by initiatives and the creation and utilization of opportunities. A foreign policy that will lend volume to Greece’s voice, making it heard in every corner of the world – particularly in our immediate neighbourhood. A voice that does not shy from stirring things up; overturning things; trying new ideas – always guided by our country’s interests and our sovereign rights.
But we are talking about a long-term, multidimensional and credible policy. A strategically designed strategy in which the major, basic axes and objectives do not shift and are not altered. There is no room for misunderstandings here: National policy is a long-term policy of principles and respect for international law. Our positions on all the major issues are founded on international legality, and their defense in non-negotiable.
Greece has to come out of the wings and return to center-stage in international developments. It must be made anew an important presence in the international system – in both a European and global framework – just as it deserves, though without ignoring objective difficulties.
Particularly in Europe, we are at a turning point. With the ratification of the Lisbon Treaty and the election of the first President of the European Council and the first High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, a new page is being turned, reaffirming the Union’s ability to make difficult decisions. Mr. Van Rompuy and Baroness Ashton can contribute decisively to the cohesion and unity of the EU, and it is certain that they will leave their mark on the posts they are taking up. They will have Greece’s full support on their missions.
The effective implementation of the Lisbon Treaty – with the goal of a more effective and cohesive international presence for the Union – is the great challenge for Europe. Our goal is to maintain the substantial role of the six-month, rotating Presidency, as well as to effectively assist the European External Action Service (EEAS), which is now being set up, and in which all of the member states will participate substantially. We want Greece’s discrete voice to contribute toward the common purpose. We want community foreign policy to bear the distinguishable mark of Greece’s contribution. We want – and we will have – a strong presence for our country in all of the community organs.
We also look forward to the convening of the new European Commission, which is expected to take up its duties in early February, 2010. Maria Damanaki, we wish you every success. The responsibility you are undertaking is great. I am sure that your contribution will be greater. Rest assured that we will always be at your side when you need us.
Ladies and Gentlemen MPs,
The Greek people entrusted the governance of the country to us some weeks ago. From the very outset, we set the tone of the foreign policy we will follow. We are setting our priorities and dynamically pursuing the improvement of the framework on every front the country is facing.
The Balkans are a top priority. The Prime Minister underscored this with his participation in the BSEC Ministerial just three days after taking office. Last week, I completed a tour of the countries of the region. Later on, if you like, I can give you my impressions from the meetings I had. Our neighbourhood is looking to Greece for leadership. It is looking to our guidance and above all to our setting and promoting the European course of the Balkans, as we did successfully in 2003, with the Thessaloniki Agenda.
For various reasons, this course has lost its momentum and orientation. The Western Balkans – even today – run the risk of derailment. What was needed was a clear political goal. A vision – first of all – for the peoples of the region. And we provided this political goal with “Agenda 2014”. We set a bold target-date. But a target-date that gave hope, because it is realistic. Because it allows our neighbours to imagine their immediate future in the united Europe. Because they are taking their fate into their own hands. Through real, substantial reforms, through responsible leaderships and policies, the Western Balkans can become part of the European family by 2014. 100 years after the outbreak of World War I – the source of many of the problems still plaguing the region – Greece’s strategic pursuit of consolidating stability, peace and development in our region can become a reality, as long as we do not lower the bar on the criteria we have set.
We are neither shaking the foundations nor changing the rules in mid-game. Each country in the region will continue its efforts and will be judged on the results and based on its accomplishments. Naturally, the criterion of good neighbourly relations is of fundamental importance in a region that has paid so dearly for the open wounds among neighbours. I want to stress the philosophy behind the proposal. The EU, as the most successful of peace projects, needs to step up to its responsibilities to our region; to contribute to peace and stability in the Balkan region.
With Agenda 2014, we want to become the motor force behind the accession course of the Balkans. We want to reinvigorate the reform process. We want the reforms to impact society, so that the citizens of the Western Balkans can experience the benefits of these reforms in their day-to-day lives. This principle also determines our stance on the issue of liberalizing the visa regime, which will be a reality within the coming weeks for three of the states in the region: Serbia, Montenegro and FYROM.
We welcome this development. We consider it important because it will bring the citizens of these three countries closer to Europe. It will knock down the artificial walls separating them from their European future. It will enable them to travel – afford them a change of scene – and then to demand change back in their homelands; to become agents of reform and progress; to call things into question. And we hope that the other two states in the region – Albanian and Bosnia-Herzegovina will soon meet the prerequisites for the visa waiver. Obviously, this measure will be implemented in such a way as to reinforce fully our positions on the FYROM name issue.
Greece has succeeded in drawing a national red line on this issue. We went halfway, agreeing in the Hellenic Parliament that the solution will be a name with a geographical qualifier, for use in relation to everyone; erga omnes. A clean solution. A solution that will free up a future of cooperation between the two countries, to the benefit of regional security and stability.
And here, too, the new government set the tone. The Greek Prime Minister took the initiative to meet with his counterpart. He told him that we want improved bilateral relations in every sector, making it clear at the same time that without a solution on the name issue, the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia cannot expect to open accession negotiations with the European Union. Moreover, the positions of NATO and the EU are also clear.
I can already hear the objections: Why are we talking to the Skopje leadership when they continue to use the same intransigent rhetoric? Why are we negotiating with deceitful interlocutors? It is true that Greece has no reason to be in a hurry, and we are not rushing. But our desire for a solution is genuine and is based on the conviction that it is in our hands to build a future of cooperation and development. If need be, we will impose this solution on the leadership in Skopje – not through strength, which we do have, but by persuasion.
We will directly address the people of our neighbouring country, extending a hand of friendship. We will not reply in kind to the provocations of extremists in or out of the government. Our purpose is not restricted to sound bites. The proposal of the Greek national red line is clear. We want to find a mutually acceptable solution that will bring the two peoples and the two countries closer together. We will be firm in our positions, and we will never jeopardise Greece’s dignity. We will explore every avenue and examine every opportunity that might bring us closer to a solution. On Friday, the Prime Minister has invited his counterparts from FYROM and Albania to Prespes to discuss the potential for collaboration on the environmental protection of the area. An initiative that was launched 10 years ago.
Other such initiatives will follow. The government is committed to developing the dimension of Green Diplomacy and taking on a leading role in the coordination of the Balkan and Mediterranean countries on climate change issues – before and after Copenhagen. For Greece, green development is a top-priority national issue. We will work hard for success in Copenhagen. George Papandreou will participate personally in the proceedings. Not everything depends on the intentions of Greece or the EU, of course, but our commitment to reversing the current catastrophe is firm.
We also had an in-depth discussion on the issue of climate change with President Christofias, during the Greek Prime Minister’s first official visit – to Cyprus – which took place just hours after the new government received its vote of confidence. It is important for the cooperation between Greece and Cyprus – two EU member states – to be able to unfold into every sector of activity in public administration.
The Cyprus issue remains a vital national issue. An issue that concerns Hellenism as a whole. The talks between President Christofias and Mr. Talat have opened a window of cautious optimism, but there are still serious difficulties.
The solution to the Cyprus issue must be viable, based on the resolutions of the United Nations and compatible with the principles, values and institutional framework of the European acquis. And I want to stress here the importance of the acquis, as it is an existing system of legislation that can provide direct solutions on matters that are currently seen as irresolvable. The Republic of Cyprus is a member of the EU. It will also be an EU member after the solution. Still a member state. It must be able to function effectively. That is why I stress the importance of respect for the community acquis in any solution. The solution needs to be European. Above all, however, the solution must be a Cypriot solution.
Above all, the solution must be a Cypriot solution. The two communities will have to decide – freely and independent of external interventions and pressures – on their common future. Timeframes and artificial deadlines – even threats of partitioning – beyond serving no purpose, actually undermine the efforts toward a solution.
Turkey has a decisive role to play in the resolution of the Cyprus issue. Turkey will have to cease using the Cyprus issue as a means to promote its own agenda, and allow the Turkish Cypriot side to negotiate freely, in good faith and in a constructive spirit. Rather that raising walls, it should knock down the last dividing wall in the last divided capital in Europe.
The Cyprus issue is a factor and basic parameter on Turkey’s accession course. Turkey’s accession necessarily passes through the resolution of the Cyprus issue. Meeting the obligations of normalization of relations with Cyprus and implementation of the EU Protocol are not only self-evident, but should also be perceived as being in the interests of Turkey itself. And the anachronistic system of guarantees has no place in the European Union of the 21st century. It cannot be that third states “guarantee” the internal and external security of a full member of the European Union. The European Union has adequate and effective mechanisms for the protection of all its citizens. With regard to the Erdogan proposals, we replied that the only process that exists is that of the United Nations. In is incumbent upon all of us to contribute constructively to the negotiation process.
On every issue, Greece will be at the forefront. It will take initiatives. It will determine the framework. In our relations with Turkey, we want to pick up the thread where we left it in 2004, when there was a clear framework of target dates and obligations – a clear accession perspective for Turkey; when we had managed to shape Turkey’s European agenda, including all of the issues of national interest. When we achieved the accession of the Republic of Cyprus to the EU, changing forever the state and balance of affairs in the Cyprus issue.
We want to have good relations with Turkey, but straight talk as well. We are not shying away from direct dialogue – we are pursuing it. Our positions are clear and based on strong arguments. And this was the Prime Minister’s message in his meeting with Mr. Erdogan. The Turkish side responded positively to the Greek initiative. It remains for declarations of intention to be matched by actions. Much is being said about the Erdogan letter. There will of course be a reply from the Prime Minister in the coming days. Greece is not rushing. Turkey has obligations that it must meet.
We are concerned at the activity in the Aegean in recent days. In particular, the treatment of FRONTEX resources by Turkey – apart from being an unacceptable violation – points to a failure to perceive how useful the successful handling of illegal migration would be to Turkey itself. This problem is European, and the manner in which it is confronted by the EU must cease to be fragmentary. We need more means, better programming, burden sharing and – most importantly – a clear orientation for Europe’s migration policy. In this discussion, Turkey’s approach often appears imprudent.
Turkey needs to understand that it is gaining nothing whatsoever – neither on a political level nor on a legal level – from its illegal conduct in the Aegean, and particularly from its provocative violations of our national airspace. Illegal conduct does not create law. The challenging of our national sovereignty and our sovereign rights will not overturn international law, upon which we base or positions.
Ladies and Gentlemen MPs,
Yes, we support Turkey’s full accession. But our support is not a blank cheque. Greece’s position is clear and firm: Turkey should accede to the European Union if and when it meets the criteria and prerequisites that have been set. The bar cannot be lowered. Turkey has undertaken obligations to the EU and its member states, and Turkey must meet those obligations in full.
In December, the Union will evaluate Turkey. Turkey will be evaluated on every aspect of the accession process; on protection of human rights and religious freedoms; on respect for good neighbourly relations; and on participation in the confronting of illegal migration. Turkey will be evaluated with regard to its implementation of the Additional Protocol and normalizations of its relations with the Republic of Cyprus. Turkey will be judged rigorously and objectively. We are cooperating closely and daily with the Republic of Cyprus. We are implementing our declaration: Greece is standing by Cyprus in both word and deed.
Ladies and Gentlemen MPs,
In a few days, the Greek Chairmanship of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) will culminate in the hosting of the Organization’s 17th Ministerial Meeting (Athens, 1-2 December 2009). This is the biggest event organized by our country since the 2004 Olympics. We are expecting over 50 Foreign Ministers in Athens, 1,200 participants and some 400 journalists from international news media.
From a political standpoint, the bequest of the Greek Chairmanship is the “Corfu Process”. And here – as in our policy statements – I would like to acknowledge the contribution of the previous government and Foreign Minister Bakoyannis. At the December Ministerial in Athens, we are promoting a Ministerial Decision for the continuation of this process and a Political Declaration on the Corfu Process. Initial reactions from the participants have been positive. Nevertheless, the negotiations will continue up until the last moment in Athens. In any case, the Corfu Process sparked the opening of a broader political dialogue on European Security, and this alone is seen as positive and is credited to our country by all of the OSCE participating states.
I won’t go into other issues at this time. Soon, I would like us to have the opportunity for a meeting devoted exclusively to economic diplomacy issues – Greece’s development policy – which must be directly linked to our political priorities and our energy strategy, given their international dimension. I also want us to discuss Greece activities and presence in regions a little farther away, where we nevertheless have an important role; e.g., the Caucasus and the Middle East.
I thank you for your patience. At this first meeting I wanted us to discuss these issues we will be addressing in the immediate future: the OSCE Ministerial and the December European Council. I would also like to pass on some thoughts from the Greek EMPs, with whom I met a few days ago. During the discussion – beyond foreign policy issues – they expressed the desire to participate in this committees proceedings. I want to pass on this thought, which I consider positive and constructive. We will see if this can be done on a practical level.
Thank you.