Athens , 26 February 2010

Mr. Minister – my dear friend Yiannos,

Ambassadors,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Before I start, I would like to express my deep sadness at the death of Vyron Theodoropoulos. He was perhaps the most important diplomat in modern Greek history; a man whose work led to Greece’s membership in the EU and introduced us to Turkey. His loss is painful, and the void he leaves behind will be difficult to fill.

Allow me to open this short speech with an expression of gratitude to the Center for Progressive Policy Research, to the former minister, my friend Yiannos Papantoniou, and his associates. Their initiative in organizing this conference comes at the right time.

I would also like to thank the conference’s distinguished guests for their response. Among them, I recognize many with a profound knowledge of Greek-Turkish relations. Their views are always of great importance, and I am glad they will be heard in such a friendly context as today’s.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Glancing over the conference programme, one sees that today’s talks are structured into three apparently discrete thematic units. The course of Greek-Turkish relations, the economic relations between the two countries, and Turkey’s bid for EU membership.

Allow me to see in this choice of thematic units an underlying dialectical model: the past, present and future of Greek-Turkish relations. So, on this basis, I would like to put forward some thoughts.

With regard to the course of Greek-Turkish relations, we must first of all point out the obvious: as neighbouring countries, Greece and Turkey coexist in the same wider region, which is of manifest geographical importance. Over time, this coexistence has presented more or less pronounced fluctuations.

The historical course of the two countries has been punctuated by major encounters, alternating rapprochements and clashes. The significance of these encounters has been set down and interpreted, and is a collective frame of reference for our peoples. It can’t be lost, it can’t be erased, and it can’t be glossed over. It is what it is. And to a significant extent – as one would expect – it impacts the relations between the two states in the modern era.

But the manner in which the historical past colours modern developments, impacting them positively or negatively, is – in my view – a matter of political choice.

And I would like to focus on this point.

Our choice – the choice of George Papandreou’s government – is clear: we choose to utilize historical experience to brighten, rather than darken, the prospects for Greek-Turkish relations. This, I remind you, is what we endeavoured to do from 1999-2004, when George Papandreou was again at the helm of Greek foreign policy. And at that time – again, I must remind you – our efforts produced tangible results in many sectors, particularly in our economic relations.

In practical terms, this choice we have made means that we are once again exploring the potential for cooperation and understanding on a number of issues of mutual interest; issues on which cooperation and understanding are or can become feasible.

It means that we are identifying and exploiting opportunities and positive turns of events. We ourselves are creating these opportunities, taking the necessary initiatives and building relations of trust and good neighbourliness in the interest of the peoples of the two countries – first and foremost – and in the interest of the wider region. In short, through history and its lessons, we are pursuing the right to prospects, development and improvement in Greek-Turkish relations, to the benefit of our states and their peoples.

And this brings us to the second point I want to develop: How the political choice we made in the past impacted developments in Greek-Turkish relations.

I hope you will agree with me when I say that at this time the sector in which there is the greatest activity is bilateral economic and trade cooperation. And we must admit that the impressive growth in our bilateral economic transactions is due in no small part to the political courage and vision shown by the Greek government at that time in concluding a broad spectrum of bilateral agreements with its neighbour. Fourteen agreements were signed between 1999 and 2004, and most of them concerned – more or less directly – the economic life of the two countries.

I would like to be more specific and point to some examples.

In 2000 and 2003, respectively, Greece and Turkey signed the Agreements on the Mutual Promotion and Protection of Investments and on the Avoidance of Double Taxation of Income. Today, these agreements are the basic pillars of the bilateral institutional framework. As we speak, total Greek investments in Turkey – in a broad range of sectors – have surpassed $6 billion.

But what is also important is the growth that has been achieved in trade transactions between the two countries. Suffice it to say, the volume of our bilateral trade in 2008 surpassed €2.3 billion, whereas in 1999 it was at €669 million. Despite the difficult economic state of affairs on a global level, our bilateral trade transactions have the necessary momentum to return soon to a growth trend.

Renewed efforts to remove obstacles – tariff-related and otherwise – within the framework of the development of mutually beneficial cooperation between the two countries will contribute in this direction.

Moreover, particular emphasis should be put on cooperation between Greek and Turkish entrepreneurs on joint ventures in our countries and in third countries, in various sectors of common interest. We already have good examples of this in the energy and construction sectors.

Progress in bilateral tourism cooperation has also been noteworthy in recent years, though there is still much room for growth. For example, major opportunities can be created for entrepreneurs in the tourism sector through the creation of common package tours aimed at attracting tourists from third countries.

I left the most critical sector for last: energy, and specifically the Interconnector Turkey-Greece-Italy (ITGI), a project of major importance for energy supplies. But we mustn’t overlook the excellent opportunities for cooperation opening up in renewable energy sources, bearing in mind the significant dynamic both countries have in this sector.

We now come to Turkey’s European perspective.

Greece’s position on this matter is well known and crystal clear: We support Turkey’s European perspective. We want to see a Turkey that has implemented all of the reforms required for its accession to the European Union. If Turkey meets the prerequisites, it deserves full membership. Talk of a ‘special’ or ‘privileged’ relationship reduces Europe’s influence on Turkey and muddies the EU’s message. I reiterate our goal – a goal agreed upon unanimously by the 27 member states of the Union: a Turkey that will be a full member, provided it meets all of its obligations to the European Union and the member states.

Achieving the goal of accession has so far been a long and often arduous process for Turkey, just as it is for every candidate country, and just as it was for Greece. A process that needs to be worked through even as critical domestic realignment is under way. However gruelling and radical it is, this process is necessary if Turkey is to really change and become capable of joining the EU. I have said this before, and it is worth saying again. The Turkey that joins the EU will not be the Turkey of today or the Turkey of the past. It will be tomorrow’s Turkey; a European Turkey that will have adapted fully to the European acquis and carried out the necessary radical reforms.

Greece’s support for Turkey’s European perspective is sincere and is founded on principles and values. But that does not mean that the bar can be lowered – not even in the slightest – with regard to the obligation to meet all the criteria and prerequisites.

We support Turkey’s candidacy both politically and in deed. Just recently, we proposed to Turkey – anew – that we provide technical support on issues concerning the accession negotiations.

It is not easy to make progress on the road to accession. It presupposes two things in particular.

First, the normalization of Turkey’s relations with the Republic of Cyprus, which will do much to boost Turkey’s accession course.

We need to find a solution on the Cyprus issue. A just and viable solution. A European solution for a united Cyprus. We need to free Cyprus of all forms of dependency, from occupation forces. We need to free Cyprus of dividing walls that have no place in the European family. We all need to support the negotiation process in Cyprus. And the President of the Republic of Cyprus, Demetris Christofias, is aware of Greece’s – and the Greek government’s – belief in and support for in his efforts.

Second, the speedy and effective promotion of domestic reforms and respect for good neighbourly relations. And – of course – meeting all obligations to the Greek minority and the Ecumenical Patriarchate. Only in this way can Turkey send the right message to European public opinion: the message that Turkey is able and determined to join the great European family.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

No effort has any chance of success if it isn’t backed by strategy, composure, consensus and a sense of responsibility.

On the shifting sands of international relations, it has been Greece’s longstanding pursuit for its relations with other countries to be founded on principles and values such as the promotion of good neighbourly relations; the peaceful coexistence and prosperity of peoples; respect for international law, legality and human rights; the pursuit of global and regional security and stability.

It is through this prism that we approach our relations with Turkey.

And for this reason, the effort we are making should not be undermined by species of conduct that are incompatible with international law and the European acquis. This conduct needs to cease if we want to talk about real rapprochement with substantial content.

As I said, Turkey is going through a difficult time of domestic change. At the same time, we continue to see dangerous, provocative and rash practices, as in the recent entry of Turkish aircraft into the airspace of the Andros firing range. This has to stop. Conduct such as this has no place in the relations of trust that we want to build.

But is this reason to abandon our efforts? Frankly, no. In fact, it is good reason to intensify our efforts. We want to invest in a future of peace. With cautious, measured steps. At the right pace. And always with the serious preparation that is necessary. If we succeed, we will create a huge “peace dividend” for our countries and peoples. A peace dividend that will be clear from defence spending in the difficult economic crisis we are experiencing.

For Greece, rapprochement between the two countries is a sincere choice. Greece aims to utilize the whole range of bilateral cooperation. But this is neither unconditional nor without rules. I stress the need for absolute respect for the territorial integrity and sovereign rights of Greece; the need for respect of international law and international treaties.

In this spirit, we recently had a series of meetings with the Turkish leadership; specifically, between the Greek and Turkish Prime Ministers, and between myself and the Turkish Foreign Minister.

The messages from these initial meetings are encouraging, and they allow us to proceed with optimism to our upcoming meetings: my trip to Ankara and, later, the Turkish Prime Minister’s visit to Athens. The success of our efforts will send a symbolic message to the whole world. A message of peace. But it will also mean that we can become pillars of stability in the region.

Our meeting today really comes at the right time. It comes at the outset of a new effort towards rapprochement between the two countries. Your contribution will be an invaluable tool. I wish you every success and I thank you for your attention.