Cyprus – Historical Background

Cyprus was declared an independent state on 16 August 1960. The Constitution of the new state, which was provided for in the Zurich and London Agreements, divided the people of Cyprus into two communities, based on national origin. Shortly thereafter, the two communities became entangled in a constitutional crisis.

In November 1963, Archbishop Makarios, the first President of the Republic of Cyprus, proposed certain reforms that would facilitate the smooth functioning of the state. Turkey rejected these proposals before the Turkish Cypriot community even had the time to consider them. The leadership of the Turkish Cypriot community supported Turkey’s secessionist aims In December 1963, armed conflicts broke out between the two communities that continued until 1964 and had a heavy death toll on both communities.

Following Turkish threats of invasion, the government of the Republic of Cyprus brought the matter before the UN. In March 1964, the UN Security Council adopted its first Resolution in a series of UN resolutions on the Cyprus issue (Resolution 186/1964), which provided for the start of a UN Good Offices Mission and the stationing of a UN peacekeeping force (UNFICYP) on the island, with the consent of the government of the Republic of Cyprus. Resolution 186/1964 confirmed the sovereignty and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus, as well as the continuity and legality of its government, despite the withdrawal of the Turkish Cypriots. Turkey continued to threaten a military invasion and in August 1964, the Turkish air force incessantly bombarded areas of the island with napalm bombs, among other things.

In 1968, a bicommunal dialogue started, but stopped on 20 July 1974, when Turkey invaded Cyprus on the pretext of the 15 July coup against President Makarios. Despite the coup’s failure and amidst negotiations which started in Geneva on 25 July 1974, pursuant to a UN Security Council resolution, Turkey launched a new general attack on 14-16 August 1974. Thirty-five years later, the problems generated by the invasion and occupation of 37% of the island’s territory remain unresolved. As a result of the Turkish invasion and occupation, more than 4,000 people died, another 1,470 are missing, 165,000 Greek Cypriots were forced to leave their homes and properties, Greek cultural heritage is systematically looted and destroyed, and settlers – estimated at more than 100,000, according to available data – have  been illegally stationed on the island. The establishment of settlers coupled with the economic decline of the occupied territories led to the mass migration and dwindling of the Turkish Cypriot community.

Turkey had no “right” to a military invasion in Cyprus. The Turkish invasion and continuing occupation is a blatant violation of the provisions of the UN Charter and the Treaty of Guarantee, which explicitly mentions that the guarantee relates to the independence, territorial integrity, security and constitutional order established on the island in 1960.   

The Turkish side refused to implement the UN resolutions calling upon the two communities to resolve the internal political issue of Cyprus through negotiations within the framework of the following: respect for the sovereignty, independence and territorial integrity of the Republic of Cyprus; swift withdrawal of foreign troops; putting an end to any foreign interference in its affairs; and taking immediate measures for the return of all refugees to their homes.

Immediately after the opening of bi-communal talks in February 1975, the Turkish side made a unilateral declaration of a “federal Turkish state”, which was condemned by UN Security Council Resolution 367 (1975). The Turkish side also violated the bi-communal agreement reached in Vienna in August 1975, in which it undertook the obligation to give the 25,000 Greek Cypriots that remained on the occupied section of the island “every help needed for them to lead a normal life”. Finally, the Turkish side reneged on its repeated commitments to submit specific proposals on the crucial territorial aspect of the issue.

In 1977 and 1979, bi-communal talks under the auspices of the United Nations resulted in two Summit Agreements aimed at reaching a solution based on a federation, within the framework of the single sovereignty of the state of Cyprus, in respect of fundamental freedoms and rights for all its citizens, and within the framework of the demilitarization of the island. The 1979 agreement also stipulated that priority should be given to an agreement on the re-establishment of refugees in Varosia under the auspices of the United Nations, and that this agreement should be implemented irrespective of progress on negotiations for a comprehensive settlement.

In August 1980, the then Personal Envoy of the UN Secretary-General stated that the two sides reiterated their support for a solution on the basis of a bi-communal – from a constitutional viewpoint – and a bi-zonal – from a territorial viewpoint – federation.

In November 1983, in the midst of yet another initiative by a UN Secretary General, the Turkish side declared the occupied territory of Cyprus an independent state. UN Security Council Resolutions 541 (1983) and 550 (1984) condemned the unilateral declaration, as well as all the consequent secessionist actions, which they declared unlawful, null and void, and asked for the immediate withdrawal of Turkish troops. The above-mentioned Resolutions also asked all states to refrain from recognising the supposed state, which was created through secessionist actions, and not to facilitate or in any other way aid the secessionist entity. They also condemned the Turkish threats to settle Varosia and demanded that this area be put under UN administration.

From 1984 until 1992, the United Nations undertook a series of initiatives with a view to reaching agreement on a negotiating framework for a comprehensive settlement. The most important of these initiatives was the “Set of Ideas” of Secretary General Mr. Boutros-Boutros Ghali, which were adopted by the Security Council as a basis for further negotiations. It was impossible to hold negotiations due to the Turkish side’s intransigence, which was mentioned in Security Council Resolution 789 (1992).

The international community undertook new efforts to achieve a comprehensive solution on the Cyprus issue between 1999 and 2004 in view of Cyprus’ accession to the EU and the start of EU accession negotiations with Turkey. In November 2002, following intensive and fruitless proximity and direct bi-community talks, the UN Secretary General put forward a plan to reach a comprehensive solution. Various revised versions of the plan followed, without achieving agreement. The final version (“Annan Plan 5”) was in the end submitted to two separate referenda, and was rejected by 75.83% of Greek-Cypriots. According to the New York provisions (13 February 2004) for an agreement by all sides, the plan was considered null and void, producing no legal effect.

Despite the rejection of this particular plan, the Cypriot government and a significant majority of the country’s political forces remained committed to the reunification objective, pursuant to UN Security Council resolutions and EU principles and values.  The Greek Cypriot side took a series of initiatives that led to broader international understanding and acceptance of its position that the method of artificial timeframes and arbitration has proven counterproductive with regard to finding an agreed-upon solution on the Cyprus issue. In July 2006, President Papadopoulos and Turkish Cypriot leader Talat reconfirmed their common dedication to the objective of a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation within which there will be political equality, as defined by relevant UN Security Council resolutions, and agreed to launch exploratory talks, both on day-to-day issues (confidence-building measures), as well as issues of substance. The agreement was not implemented then, as the Turkish Cypriot side delayed discussing issues of substance and persisted in a mindset of “talks” on normalising relations between two separate entities rather than achieving a comprehensive agreement on a solution. 

Following his election in February 2008, President Christofias took new initiatives that, in the end, led to the launching of new exploratory talks on 29 March 2008 and new comprehensive negotiations on 3 September 2008 (See latest developments)

Last Updated: February 2010